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Time and again in our Nation's history, Americans have risen to meet -- and to shape -- moments of transition. This must be one of those moments. We live in a time of sweeping change. The success of free nations, open markets, and social progress in recent decades has accelerated globalization on an unprecedented scale. This has opened the doors of opportunity around the globe, extended democracy to hundreds of millions of people, and made peace possible among the major powers. Yet globalization has also intensified the dangers we face -- from international terrorism and the spread of deadly technologies, to economic upheaval and a changing climate.
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在我國歷史上，美國人民一再挺身而出，把握并影響局勢(shì)轉(zhuǎn)變的時(shí)刻。目前無疑又面臨局勢(shì)轉(zhuǎn)變的時(shí)刻。我們生活在一個(gè)普遍發(fā)生變化的時(shí)代。幾十年來，自由國家的成功、開放市場(chǎng)和社會(huì)進(jìn)步加速了空前規(guī)模的全球化，在世界各地打開了機(jī)會(huì)的大門，使民主制度向億萬人民擴(kuò)展，同時(shí)使大國間的和平成為可能。然而，全球化也加劇了我們面臨的危險(xiǎn)——從國際恐怖主義和致命技術(shù)的擴(kuò)散，到經(jīng)濟(jì)大動(dòng)蕩和氣候的不斷變化等。 |
| For nearly a decade, our Nation has been at war with a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Even as we end one war in Iraq, our military has been called upon to renew our focus on Afghanistan as part of a commitment to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qa'ida and its affiliates. This is part of a broad, multinational effort that is right and just, and we will be unwavering in our commitment to the security of our people, allies, and partners. Moreover, as we face multiple threats -- from nations, nonstate actors, and failed states -- we will maintain the military superiority that has secured our country, and underpinned global security, for decades. |
近10年來，我們的國家與遍布各地的暴力與仇恨網(wǎng)絡(luò)處于交戰(zhàn)狀態(tài)。即使我們結(jié)束在伊拉克的一場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，我們的軍隊(duì)又奉命再次以阿富汗為重點(diǎn)，作為我們承諾挫敗、摧毀并戰(zhàn)勝“基地”組織及其同伙的任務(wù)之一。這是廣泛的多國努力的一部分，屬于正確和正義的行動(dòng)。我們將毫不動(dòng)搖地履行我們?yōu)楸Ｕ衔覈嗣?、盟友和伙伴的安全做出的承諾。而且，由于我們面臨來自國家、非國家行為體和衰敗國家等多方面的威脅，我們將保持幾十年來保障我國安全和維護(hù)全球安全的軍事優(yōu)勢(shì)。 |
| Yet as we fight the wars in front of us, we must see the horizon beyond them -- a world in which America is stronger, more secure, and is able to overcome our challenges while appealing to the aspirations of people around the world. To get there, we must pursue a strategy of national renewal and global leadership -- a strategy that rebuilds the foundation of American strength and influence. |
但是，在我們參加目前面臨的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之時(shí)，我們必須看到戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)以后的情景——在這個(gè)世界上，美國更強(qiáng)大，更安全，有能力戰(zhàn)勝我們面臨的所有挑戰(zhàn)，并為全世界人民所向往。為了達(dá)到這一目標(biāo)，我們必須遵循振興國家和發(fā)揮全球主導(dǎo)作用的戰(zhàn)略，這一戰(zhàn)略將重建美國力量與影響力的基礎(chǔ)。 |
| Our strategy starts by recognizing that our strength and influence abroad begins with the steps we take at home. We must grow our economy and reduce our deficit. We must educate our children to compete in an age where knowledge is capital, and the marketplace is global. We must develop the clean energy that can power new industry, unbind us from foreign oil, and preserve our planet. We must pursue science and research that enables discovery, and unlocks wonders as unforeseen to us today as the surface of the moon and the microchip were a century ago. Simply put, we must see American innovation as a foundation of American power. |
我們的戰(zhàn)略首先要求我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們?cè)趪獾牧α颗c影響力始于我們?cè)趪鴥?nèi)采取的步驟。我們必須促使我國經(jīng)濟(jì)增長，減少我們的赤字。我們必須教育我們的孩子在知識(shí)就是資本、市場(chǎng)實(shí)現(xiàn)全球化的時(shí)代參與競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。我們必須開發(fā)清潔能源，為新的產(chǎn)業(yè)提供動(dòng)力，擺脫外國石油的束縛，并保護(hù)我們的地球。我們必須從事科學(xué)研究，不斷有新發(fā)現(xiàn)，揭開人類尚不能預(yù)見的奧秘，如同一個(gè)世紀(jì)前無法想象月球表面和微型芯片一樣。簡言之，我們必須視美國的創(chuàng)新為美國力量的基礎(chǔ)。 |
| We must also build and integrate the capabilities that can advance our interests, and the interests we share with other countries and peoples. Our Armed Forces will always be a cornerstone of our security, but they must be complemented. Our security also depends upon diplomats who can act in every corner of the world, from grand capitals to dangerous outposts; development experts who can strengthen governance and support human dignity; and intelligence and law enforcement that can unravel plots, strengthen justice systems, and work seamlessly with other countries. |
我們還必須建立和整合可以促進(jìn)我們自己的利益以及我們與其他國家和人民的共同利益的能力。我們的武裝部隊(duì)將永遠(yuǎn)是我們安全的基石，但這支部隊(duì)必須得到支持輔助。我們的安全還有賴于我們的外交官，他們可以在全世界每一個(gè)地方開展工作，從繁華的首都到危險(xiǎn)的邊哨；開發(fā)項(xiàng)目專家，他們能夠加強(qiáng)治理并維護(hù)人類尊嚴(yán)；情報(bào)及執(zhí)法人員，他們可以挫敗任何陰謀，加強(qiáng)司法體制，并與其他國家密切合作。 |
| The burdens of a young century cannot fall on American shoulders alone -- indeed, our adversaries would like to see America sap our strength by overextending our power. In the past, we have had the foresight to act judiciously and to avoid acting alone. We were part of the most powerful wartime coalition in human history through World War II, and stitched together a community of free nations and institutions to endure a Cold War. We are clear-eyed about the challenge of mobilizing collective action, and the shortfalls of our international system. But America has not succeeded by stepping outside the currents of international cooperation. We have succeeded by steering those currents in the direction of liberty and justice -- so that nations thrive by meeting their responsibilities and face consequences when they don't. |
這個(gè)年輕世紀(jì)的重?fù)?dān)不能只落在美國一國的肩上——其實(shí)，我們的敵人很希望看到美國過分?jǐn)U張實(shí)力，透支自己的力量。以往，我們有先見之明，審慎行事，避免了獨(dú)往獨(dú)行。在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間，我們加入了人類歷史上最強(qiáng)大的戰(zhàn)時(shí)聯(lián)盟，并將自由的國家和機(jī)制結(jié)合為一個(gè)共同體，以此度過冷戰(zhàn)。對(duì)于調(diào)動(dòng)集體行動(dòng)的挑戰(zhàn)和我們的國際體制存在的弱點(diǎn)，我們洞悉明察。但是，美國的成功并不是因?yàn)槲覀冎蒙碛趪H合作的潮流之外。我們之所以成功是因?yàn)槲覀円龑?dǎo)潮流走向自由和正義。擔(dān)當(dāng)己任的國家能夠繁榮發(fā)展，而逃避責(zé)任則后果難當(dāng)。 |
